1. The absolute misfortune of so many peoples fallen beneath the fearful yoke of communism should be a warning to the "free world" of the threat hanging over it. And yet it takes no account of this threat and blindly advances towards the abyss. The reason for this is simple. All its collective organs of reflection and decision are pledged to the capitalo-socialist system, which prevents it from grasping the situation and reacting accordingly.
When will the socialist system leave the people free to decide for themselves? When will capitalist power yield to the crying demands of public security? Never! And why? Through want of a soul, through lack of mastery over beings and events. No doubt... but still more through the total lack of heroic legitimacy and political intelligence, through panic-stricken fear of popular anger, and through hatred of the natural and sacred authorities, who are always ready to succeed them and whose moral and political superiority crushes them, sweeps away their despotism and – without them, away from them, and against them – restores the people’s strength and happiness.
2. Whom should we count on for this popular and liberating revolution? Should we count on those are excluded from the "legal country", those who are its opponents and rebels? Or on a revolutionary extreme left exasperated by capitalist oppression but refusing to enrol in the socialist movement? And all the more, as it receives support from the anarcho-syndicalism newly arrived from America? Perhaps... if it exists, and if it does not content itself with its love for pure anarchy.
Should we count on a conservative and national right, avid for just freedom and initiative, protesting against the stranglehold of a bureaucratic and centralising State, and against the stifling of free enterprise by international industrial capitalism? And all the more, as it receives dazzling support from American anarcho-capitalism, which is anti-state and anti-monopolistic? Perhaps... if at least this right does not content itself with defending its private interests and its middle class freedom.
Should we count on those of the legitimist right, the only ones free of all prior allegiance, the only ones aware of the real economic and political oppressions, and the only ones armed with a doctrine of restoration, so boldly social that it called itself socialist before anyone else had used the term? Certainly, and this legitimist right still exists. It is the nation’s elite!
3. The communitarian revolution demanded by the present time will not simply be the work of those who are now excluded and marginalised, courageous though these may be. It will be the work of the people themselves, instinctively avid in their natural communities for freedom, property, and responsibility. It is the people who must be summoned to resume their legitimate economic powers by breaking the stranglehold of the capitalo-socialist state.
There can be no profound restoration of order without revolution, and revolution by definition is the overturning of oppressive social groups and institutions. To restore economic power to a reorganised people, oppressive feudal systems must first be destroyed.
1. The preparation for social revolution must first be effected by intellectual groups free of all attachment to these ruling and dominating classes, who have to be unmasked and denounced before they can be overturned. In other words, it is necessary to denounce them while they still hold in their hands money, political and coercive power, the means of information, party and trade union systems. For this, a heroic Phalange is needed. And since it is necessary to effect the revolution cleanly – without allowing the liberating movement to deviate towards objectives of no importance or of calculated diversion, such as the progressivist clergy, the conservative bourgeoisie, the immigrants, etc – there will need to be a wise Phalange. But the prodigious marvel of a successful liberation merits great effort and the utmost discretion!
2. The execution of such a social revolution cannot come from an intellectual elite, deprived of all combative force, nor from the unorganised popular masses, for whom the revolution is nevertheless carried out, nor from a party that has suddenly sprung up, whose very existence would betray the secret bond subjecting it to all that has to be destroyed. It falls, therefore, as does any reaction in favour of public security, to the Army, the constant, organised, and hierarchical expression of the nation, as well as its legitimate representative. In a capitalo-socialist state, where all institutions are fraudulent and chaotic, if there is at least one institution that remains authentically popular, it is the national Army.
3. The aim of the social revolution is to evict from economic and political power, occult and oppressive synarchic organisations, whether they be those of high finance, big industry, parties or their syndical offshoots. The dissolution of these states within the State will have to be rigorous, radical, immediate and effective.
This will have to be followed by the retirement of the senior management of the dissolved organisations, but also by a definitive amnesty in favour of all those political economic and social personnel who were lured by their thousands into their movement.
There will be no spirit of revenge, no "purge", and no class warfare. On the contrary, all the nation’s economic forces will be generally mobilised, and those with competence will find their place and will be re-employed, no longer for partisan ends, but in the general interest. And in a climate of honest freedom, a long period of peace will begin when the natural communities and their spontaneous economic organisations can slowly be reconstituted.
Better than any military dictatorship, the presence of the King, marked by moderation and justice, will secure this restoration of social freedom and peace.
It would serve no purpose to destroy the dehumanising, economic feudal systems and to dissolve their demophobe political organisations, if the social and national revolution were to leave intact and dominant the ideas which formed their principles and justification. Capitalo-socialism would not exist and its destructive passion – going so far as to make it the accessory of Soviet imperialism – would be inexplicable, were it not supported by the ideas of Liberty and Equality made into absolute principles: liberty against God, a furious stifling of all religion, and equality against all legitimate authority, against all superiority of birth and of state, preferring slavery and death to their revival.
1. The thorough destruction of established disorder should in no way touch or disturb the daily life of the people. It must destroy the guilty oligarchies, whilst sparing as much as possible their members who bear no responsibility. But it must annihilate and ban the ideologies which were the mental and moral support of oppression, whilst opposing and proudly replacing them with the key ideas, the holy and wholesome laws, of our true popular tradition. Thus against capitalist Liberty, a shameless fraud, and against socialist Equality, an equally shameless lie, the social revolution will affirm Fraternity, the living treasure of France’s thousand year old community.
2. There is no social revolution which is not national. There is no national revolution without the radical destruction of the atheist, materialist and decadent philosophies of capitalist liberalism and of democratic socialism. For it is these philosophies that have implanted in minds the lure of profit, the worship of money, and the frenzy for immediate and self-centred pleasure, resulting in the degenerateness of the race, the scourges of a low birth-rate and of immorality, and all the conditions needed for a cowardly abandonment to red slavery.
These philosophies are not innocent; they are to be declared criminal. Their adherents are to be reduced to silence, not by death nor by re-education, but simply by being quietly set aside, in the hope of their sincere conversion.
3. The national restoration will be carried out in the name of the only doctrine of fraternity that is traditional and familiar to us, that of the one true religious faith, proclaimed as the religion of the nation: the Roman Catholic religion. Its humanist morality and its evangelical spirituality will be the laws of the new communitarian life, freeing souls from their bad habits and purifying them of the miasma of decadent doctrines. With social relationships peacefully and slowly rectified, society will progress towards a new ecological order, an order of natural prudence, of social justice and of fraternal charity, fully respectful of the nation’s common good and the human good of civilisation.
It is through their recovered religion that the people will best reconstitute their age-old social fabric, far removed from the prestige of Money and the disorders it provokes.
The national Revolution will have to be strong and rigorous in its censure and repression of subversive intrigues, at the three levels of money, intelligence and guerrilla warfare. "No liberty for the enemies of liberty", such is the totalitarian axiom that can and must be turned against its inventors. It is the proclamation of democratic freedom which brought about the enslaving of the nation by means of unjust powers. The return of the nation’s freedom involves, therefore, a solid protection established by the legitimate authority and guaranteed by force.
1. Money is the main principle of all disorder and of all subversion, because it works for itself, for its perpetual and endless increase. With this aim in mind, its possessors conspire together to form secret societies, economic commissions and seemingly philanthropic groups, by means of which they dominate social life, buy consciences, corrupt thought, guide public opinion, and ultimately procure weapons for the misguided to go and destroy all that is opposed to their domination.
It would be quite useless for the democratic State to seize hold of the money. It would only substitute itself for the financial powers and impose the totalitarianism of the party and of the party men in power.
In order to thwart this hidden and corruptive power, secret societies and their philanthropic or cultural offshoots, as well as political parties and their syndical branches, will have to be outlawed. Foreign gold will have to be the object of particular vigilance, because France is not for sale, its soul even less than its goods.
2. Intelligence has become, in our plutocratic world, a slave to money through the channels of the press, publishing, radio and television etc. This is particularly so with the invasion of advertising into every channel of information and into the whole of public life, intellectual and artistic.
It would be useless for the socialist State to take control of publishing, the press and television, because that would only aggravate the slavery of intelligence, which is recognised and supported only in so far as it serves and flatters the party.
The new order will procure for the intellectual world a security and a corporative manner of prosperity which will free it from plutocratic and socialist slavery. Any return of finance and of industry into the world of the press and of information will be closely watched and severely judged, just as all degrading control by ideologies and parties will be brought to an end.
3. Terrorism will be harshly and immediately repressed by a swift justice and a police especially conceived for this form of conflict. But the principal ones to be tracked down will be the purveyors of money and weapons. Once unmasked, they will be hit where it hurts; their money and property will serve to relieve the nation’s widows and orphans. For the fact is that every guerrilla war is the cruel instrument of powerful financial backers, whose economic and political aims have nothing in common with the people’s freedom and happiness.
The wretched terrorist agents will be sanctioned as is fitting, in the hope of their amendment, but their much higher masters will be ruthlessly punished, so that high financiers, party men and shady agents in foreign pay will relinquish the habit of extending their power over the earth in the blood and tears of innocent victims.
The repression of the subversive intrigues of finance, of the press and of terrorism, will aid the restoration of the authority of the State and consequently will bring about a return of confidence at the heart of the national community.
1. It will not be a totalitarianism, primarily because the plutocracy in France only represents a tiny minority, who will suffer no great harm anyway. This minority will be obliged to give up its unjust speculations and its manoeuvres for world domination. Thus corrected, this financial and business minority will be protected against itself, and its abilities and activities will be useful to the country.
As for the parties, they will no longer exist, having no further raison d’être. It will be the end of their ideological, financial and administrative oppression. The members of the republican legal country will have to join the ranks of the real country, and if they wish to work for the common good, they will have to place their aptitudes and ambitions at the service of the national State.
2. It will not be an intellectual totalitarianism, because the perversion of the faith is not a profound or common thing in France. It will be sufficient to ban the aggressive totalitarianism of materialist, atheist error, whether it declares itself liberal or collectivist, so that freedom of thought may once more be a good and salutary thing. It is a tradition of Christian France to have great respect for its people’s intimate convictions as well as for those of foreign guests. It is the Edict of Nantes (1598) that remains the model, not its Revocation (1685).
The Catholic Church, in fact, does not impose her Creed through coercion. On the contrary, she forbids the forcing of souls and of consciences. Deprived of all social rights, error and evil must obviously be repressed when they constitute an aggression, a provocation or an unjust seduction for the Christian people. In that case they would be seriously damaging to human and divine order. But they can, however, be objects of tolerance on the part of the public and even of the religious authorities, if they are the cause of no social harm, and in many cases this tolerance seems to be preferable, in the interests of peace, and an expression of fraternal charity. It is proven that the absolute condemnation of liberalism provides adequate protection for the masses against all those oppressions to which they fall victim wherever human rights are proclaimed along with every kind of liberty… capitalist oppressions and socialist oppressions!
3. Nor will it be a police totalitarianism, because the end of extortion, at whatever level, is an absolute good for the people. The shock of the necessary rigours will only be harshly felt by the small number of criminals and by those oligarchies unknown or detested by the majority. The effect of security, honesty and peace, however, is universal. Thus, the sense of human community will be reborn and the activity of the human community will be resumed under a thousand forms wherever fraternity is the rule. For it is more prudent, more expedient and more refreshing to be wise rather than mad, to be an honest man rather than a thief, to be generous rather than disagreeable, quarrelsome, ambitious and violent.
Once this salubrious work is done, the "convivial society" will recover of its own accord.