IV.  CAUTION! DANGER!

     At the Congress of Cagliari (29-30 August 1990), Professor Pierluigi Baïma Bollone, at that time the effective and acting director of the Centro, exclaimed on seeing me arrive: «Ah! here is public danger number one!» The banter was not intended in a spiteful way, and was even good-natured and amicable. But it expressed the very real concern of the organisers. It did not take me long to notice that everything had been arranged to prevent me from making accusations against the honourable Dr Tite and Professor Hall, accusations considered out of place.

     In his latest book, Father Dubarle writes: «The mediaeval dating by carbon 14 has been criticised, sometimes very violently. I cannot enter here into this discussion. I will simply say that, in my view, one has not proved the fraudulent introduction of extraneous samples, and I would remind readers of I Wilson’s judgement that it is unthinkable for anyone who knows Dr Tite to attribute any underhand scheme to him.2»

     Who is “one”? In the absence of any reference to our denunciations, the reader will be unable to learn anything further about the matter and will have to be content to take Father Dubarle’s word for it: «One has not proved...»

     I hasten to add that the thing appears just as «unthinkable» to me. But we are faced with a certain number of facts which, whatever Father Dubarle may think, furnish proof of one of the greatest plots invented by the enemies of Christ for two thousand years.

Fig. 19: PRESS CONFERENCE AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM, FRIDAY 14 OCTOBER 1988. The exclamation mark on the blackboard expresses the jubilation disguised beneath the British phlegm of Tite and Hall. Dr Michael Tite is in the centre, regarding whom Ian Wilson considers it «unthinkable» for anyone who knows him to attribute any underhand scheme to him. It was Tite who asked Jacques Évin, two months before the samples were taken at Turin, to provide him with a piece of cloth reliably dated, within fifty or one hundred years, in the 13th or 14th century after Jesus Christ, «preferably in the 14th century». Tite insisted that this sample be «as similar as possible, both in weave and colour, to the Shroud» (full text of this letter in the English CRC no 238, p. 35). On his right is Professor Edward Hall, director of the Oxford dating laboratory. On his left is the physicist Robert Hedges who carried out the test. In an interview published by The Tablet in January 1989, Hall did not not deny the presence of bloodstains on «the Shroud», but then he added: «But whether it’s human or pig’s blood, who knows?» (full article in the English CRC no 221, July 1989, p. 28-31). On Good Friday, 24 March 1989, the honourable Professor Hall received from a group of generous donators one million pounds sterling as payment for his services, a sum which was immediately invested in creating a new chair of archaeology at Oxford for the benefit of... the honourable Dr Tite (cf. SS II, p. 116).



A CLANDESTINE SAMPLE

     As Orazio Petrosillo is to give the inaugural speech at the Congress of Orvieto, on Sunday 27 August 2000 at 5 pm, at the Palazzo del Popolo, we take the opportunity to remind of an article he had published in Il messaggero on Easter Sunday, 26 March 1989. Ten years on, it has lost none of its truth1.

     «All the elements of a scientific “detective novel” are present and “the case of the Holy Shroud” could very well be re-opened in a big way despite the verdict of the prestigious laboratories of Oxford, Tucson (Arizona) and Zurich, which dated the shroud of Turin between 1260 and 1390 using the carbon 14 method. A number of sindonologists have raised suspicions about the regularity of the procedure which led to the conclusion that the Shroud, this burial cloth of Christ's, is not authentic. In particular, the French scholar Bruno Bonnet-Eymard has made a formal accusation, adding new details to the far from reassuring information to have already reached the Vatican.

     «What is the cause of this perplexity? It is a semi-clandestine control sample that was added to the two officially passed to the three laboratories so that they might verify the correctness of their tests on the shroud cloth. The addition of this third sample would not have aroused suspicion had it not been accompanied by a number of other factors which suggest that the test may not have been carried out correctly. This sample was not provided for in the test protocol and it was passed to the laboratories outside the strict procedures established for the two other samples. But what is even more intriguing is that this cloth had an age (1263-1283) which coincided perfectly with that attributed to the Shroud, the age usually put forward by the opponents of its authenticity.»

Fig. 2o: Willy Wölfli, director of the Zurich laboratory, with the three tubes containing the samples Z1, Z2 and Z3. The envelope on the left contains the fourth sample, a clandestine one.

     Here, Petrosillo emphasises the similarity between the weave of the cope of Saint Louis d’Anjou († 1297), from which this sample originated, and the weave of the Holy Shroud. To this Tite calmly replied that any confusion, and therefore substitution, was impossible since the sample from the cope consisted of a handful of linen threads and not of a strip of cloth. Now, as the rest of the story will show, the fact that this fourth sample had been unravelled made it much more suitable for Tite’s purposes: because these «threads» were of linen and had been very precisely dated within the period attributed to the linen of the Holy Shroud by the opponents of its authenticity, from the perspective of nuclear physics they effectively made a double of the Holy Shroud available for dating.2 But let us not get ahead of ourselves...

     Petrosillo then refers to the comedy of the sample-taking on 21 April 1988, a comedy that was played out in order to have us believe that the dating was carried out «blindly». He then goes on:

     «This affair has a hidden side to it which places Michael Tite in the firing line, he who was the curator of the British Museum and the guarantor of the operation’s transparency. It is he who sought a clandestine sample outside of the protocol, requesting that it be identical in every way to the Holy Shroud and of the age “desired” by the opponents of the Turin Shroud’s authenticity: 13th - 14th century. The facts have proved him right. The procedure has been entirely reconstituted from the documents by the sindonologist Bonnet-Eymard.

     «We shall restrict ourselves here to the crucial events. One month before the sample-taking, Tite wrote a letter to the review Nature, officially announcing the test protocol for the radiocarbon dating of the Holy Shroud. In particular, he specified that two control samples would be supplied as complete pieces of cloth, without being unravelled or shredded, and that the test would be carried out “blind”, though he admitted that the sample from the Shroud would be recognisable even if it were unravelled. Tite let it be known that the three laboratories had agreed not to discuss their results with each other until after they had passed their findings to the British Museum and the “G Colonetti” Institute of Metrology in Turin for statistical analysis. Just at the time that he was publishing these conditions, Tite wrote to Jacques Évin, director of the Radiocarbon Laboratory at the University of Lyons, requesting a sample of mediaeval cloth from the 13th-14th century, one that resembled the Holy Shroud as closely as possible.»

     Then Orazio Petrosillo cautiously concluded:

     «The accusation formulated against Tite by Bonnet-Eymard is so grave that we dare not answer for it ourselves on the basis of these procedural anomalies alone. According to the French sindonologist, Tite wanted to obtain a clandestine sample in order to make a hasty substitution of it for the fragments of the Shroud during the “mescolamento” of the tubes. If this were not the case, one fails to understand this performance of the samples being sealed in a little room apart when Tite had already admitted the impossibility of carrying out a “blind” test.

     «This matter of the “added” sample is not the only irregularity in the procedure. Similar puzzlement has been caused by the behaviour of the three laboratories who failed to abide by their agreement to be discreet and who, according to Bonnet-Eymard, carried out their tests while consulting with one another. The results which appeared prematurely in the English press last summer are confirmation of this. The “leaks” were the work of David Sox, Tite’s friend, who two weeks before the official publication by Ballestrero on 13 October last, had finished printing his book tellingly entitled: “THE SHROUD UNMASKED. UNCOVERING THE GREATEST FORGERY OF ALL TIME”. Protests from Ballestrero’s scientific adviser, Luigi Gonella, concerning these “grave improprieties” were to no avail.»

     What is the point of speaking about “improprieties” when there is a crime to be denounced3?


TWO WEIGHTS, TWO MEASUREMENTS

Fig. 21: Photographic enlargement of one of the four subsamples dated by the laboratory of Tucson (Arizona), sent by Professor Donahue on 5 December 1989. It has no scale, date or laboratory stamp. In his accompanying letter, Donahue specified that the «real dimensions of this piece are about ½ x 1 cm».

     On 7 September 1989, seventeen months after the event, the Italian Franco Testore set out for the first time the weight of the samples weighed by him at each stage of the sample-removal process carried out on the Holy Shroud on 21 April 1988: a strip of cloth measuring 81 mm x 16 mm had been divided into three pieces which were handed under seal to the representatives of the laboratories assisting at the sample-removal process. These figures differed considerably from the official dimensions specified in February by the “twenty-one” co-authors of the account published in the review Nature: «a strip or around 10 mm x 70 mm», divided into «three samples, each weighing around 50 mg». The difference is almost double! What a revelation!

     «Because the laboratories had asked for a sample of at least 50 mg, Testore continues, this piece was re-divided into two more or less equal parts, whose respective weights were 154.9 mg for the first and 144.8 mg for the second, with a loss of about 0.3 mg.» A new surprise, revealing the substitution plan! For what can be more can also be less. Since the laboratories had asked for at least 50 mg, why were they not given everything?

     For a very simple reason: the samples originating from the cloth from the “13th-14th century”, included by Tite as substitutes for those taken from the Shroud, had been «prepared from a strip of cloth measuring 7 x 1 cm.» To effect the intended substitution, it was absolutely vital to reduce this difference in size, otherwise the whole plan could be exposed. So we are dealing with two cloths. The first, a substitute for the Holy Shroud, was a strip of cloth measuring 70 mm x 10 mm which has never been seen and which has left no trace. The laboratories dated it as 14th century. All of it has disappeared. The second, the true, the authentic cloth, cut on 21 April 1988, was a strip of cloth measuring 81 mm x 16 mm. It was divided into three parts which were sent under seal to the laboratories who testify to having received them and took photographs of them (figs. 21, 22, 23).

Fig. 22: Sample of the Holy Shroud provided to the laboratory of Zurich, labelled “Z1”, from a photograph passed to us by Professor Wölfli on 2 November 1990. There is no date on this photograph and it bears no laboratory stamp. Fig. 23: Sample of the Holy Shroud provided to the laboratory of Oxford, labelled “O1”, from a photograph passed to us by Dr Hedges on 16 November 1990 at Oxford. This photograph has no scale, date or laboratory stamp.


THE CLINCHING PROOF 

     What became of the samples of the Holy Shroud? «The carbon 14 plotters, under the pressure of our attacks, writes the Abbé de Nantes, no longer know what is Dr Tite’s official truth and what is the hidden truth. So they passed shamelessly from one version to another, getting themselves entangled in enormous contradictions and incoherence.1» One has only to listen to them viva voce in the audiovisual recording of our conversations with them, taken with their authorisation2.

Fig. 24: Detail from a “souvenir photo” (!) taken at the laboratory of Tucson (Arizona) on Sunday 24 April 1988, sent to us by Professor Donahue on 3 January 1991. Our explanation:
• THE ARCHBISHOP OF TURIN’S RED WAX SEAL. It was not broken and will be replaced after the substitution, so that on Monday morning, the day of the official opening of the tube, Damon and Donahue, Jull and Toolin will certify that it was intact.
• THE STEEL TUBE MARKED “A1”, the initial of the laboratory (Arizona) and the number of the sample which Tite inserted on 21 April in Turin, in the presence of Cardinal Ballestrero.
• THE ALUMINIUM PAPER IN WHICH THE SAMPLE WAS WRAPPED.
• THE HOLY SHROUD SAMPLE.
It is in two pieces. The large piece weighs 40 mg; the small piece 14 mg.

     Damon and Donahue are going to keep the small piece secret, and place the large piece in the tube marked
“A3”, after having previously taken from this tube no 3 the sample officially labelled «Linen associated with the Cleopatra mummy dating from the beginning of the 2nd century AD, originating from Thebes (EA 6707).» In reality: Linen from the Bock collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum (14th-15th century), which is going to be placed in the tube marked “A1”. Unfortunately for the hoaxers, this nocturnal transition from a sample made up of two pieces to a sample made up of only one piece is a proven fact which lays the crime bare, despite all the efforts to disguise it.

     Through all these coded messages, we advance laboriously but sure-footedly towards... the discovery of the clinching proof! By driving into a corner both Riggi who cut the samples and Testore who weighed them, we learned that one of the three laboratories had received a sample of the Holy Shroud in two pieces. However, in their official reports, the two experts had taken pains to conceal this incident: «As luck would have it, each of the three pieces was identical to the others, wrote Riggi without batting an eyelid, and the weight of the tree pieces, weighed on an electronic scale, varied by about a thousandth of a gram for each piece.»

     Testore shows the same cool assurance: «The three parts were almost completely identical: one weighed 52.0 mg, the second 52.8, and the third 53.7 mg.3»

     As for the report of the co-ordinator Tite, published by Nature in February 1989 with the backing of twenty other collaborators in the dating, it gives us to believe that the cloth taken from the Holy Shroud was divided straightforwardly and without hitch into three equal samples of the same shape, size and weight: «The shroud was separated from the backing-cloth along its bottom left-hand edge, and a strip (~ 10 mm x 70mm) was cut from just above the place where a sample was previously removed in 1973 for examination. The strip came from a single site on the main body of the shroud, away from any patches or charred areas. Three samples, each ~ 50 mg in weight, were prepared from this strip.1»

     Pressed to answer our awkward questions, Testore was forced to reveal an entirely different version of the facts2. Riggi’s cutting was so clumsy that it resulted in three samples respectively weighing 52.0 mg, 52.8 mg and... 39.6 mg. «To obtain the minimum weight required for the third sample», it was necessary to add «a thin strip weighing 14.1 mg», Testore finally admitted. «Consequently, one of the three laboratories received two small rectangles from the Holy Shroud whose combined weight was 53.7 mg.»

Fig. 25: In the study of Douglas Donahue (seen in the background, crossing his knees), at Tucson (Arizona), on 26 October 1990. Jull (on the right) points out, in the laboratory notebook, the signatures of the «witnesses» to the opening of the containers, affirming that the seals had not been broken. To the left, Toolin can be seen extracting from an envelope a plastic container and looking in vain for the «red silk thread» taken from sample no 1, said to be that «of the Shroud».

     On making some discreet enquiries, Zurich and Oxford replied that it was not them. It was therefore Arizona. As was to be expected, Tite had sent the awkward evidence which could have exposed everything to the most distant place possible, confident that no one would go to Tucson to make enquiries! Therefore we set off for Arizona: a journey of nineteen thousand kilometres there and back3. Although received courteously, we obtained nothing other than: No record! «We have no records!» Nothing except for the weights noted in a school exercise book (fig. 25). At the bottom of the list of figures were four signatures confirming that the cardinal’s seals were intact on reception of the samples. The signatures are those of Damon the Quaker, the laboratory manager, who was absent on the day of our visit, Toolin, who along with Damon proceeded with the chemical cleaning of the samples, Donahue and Jull, the two Catholics on the team.

Fig 26: TIMOTHY W LINICK, from the laboratory of Tucson (Arizona), was one of the “twenty-one” signatories of the Nature report (16 February 1989) on the dating of the Holy Shroud. He was known for the scrupulous rigour that he brought to the mathematical analysis of results obtained by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS). He died at the age of forty-two on 4 June 1989, in very unclear circumstances, shortly after the campaign of the Italian press reporting our accusations.

     Our enquiry will go on to show that two of these signatures constitute false testimonies. For Jull and Toolin were not present on Sunday 24 April when Damon and Donahue opened the sealed tubes in order assure themselves, as Damon says, that the Holy Shroud was among the three samples, for they were afraid that «if we did come out first century, the sceptics would say that we didn’t get the Turin Shroud to analyse». The seals had already been broken, therefore, when the two others, Jull and Toolin, took part in the official opening the next day, Monday4. Paul Damon states that he immediately recognised the characteristic weave of the Holy Shroud when taking out the piece of cloth contained in tube “A1” (fig. 21). Was it in one or two pieces? He no longer knows, but, he explains: «We kept a piece of the sample so that, if there were any controversy, it could be shown to the Church authorities.»

     Damon is telling the truth: surprised and put out at receiving a 14 mg fragment with the sample, they both decided to put this unwanted and rather too revealing fragment in their safe as a “reserve”. Then they carefully stuck back the threads which they had cut and put the seals back in place in readiness for the official opening fixed for the following day, Monday 25 April.     

     That day, the two accomplices of the previous day perhaps left Jull and Toolin with the task of opening tubes 2 and 4 whose seals were still intact; but what they did not tell them is that they had swapped samples 1 and 3 around: the “mummy”, or at least what Tite had placed in tube 3 under this name, which was none other than the substitute from a 14th-15th century cloth, had now taken the place of the Holy Shroud, and vice-versa. Was the substitute really from the 14th-15th century? Yes. This is revealed by the details of the measurements taken by the laboratories and their statistical analysis. There is a gap of one hundred years from the date “expected” by the carbonari. It is this which lays bare the substitution, making any denial impossible.


Page 30
(2) Op. cit., vol. 2, p. 9. Father Dubarle’s convictions are subjective. He writes a history of the Holy Shroud, «which I personally take, he says, to be an authentic relic of Christ», in which he «deliberately leaves aside the study of the gospel accounts of the burial of the crucified» – him, a biblicist by profession! – as well as the «the presentation of recent scientific tests» (ibid.). Truly a paradigm of the modernist mind!

Page 31
(1) Full translation in Eng CRC no 219, p. 34-35.  –  (2) SS II, p. 95.  –  (3) If Gonella attacks the «carbon 14 mafia» with such vehemence, as he claims, it is so that no one can suspect him of being their accomplice. But he works for them all the same, since he accepts the “mediaeval dating”.

Page 33
(1) Eng CRC no 238, p. 11.  –  (2) Video B 24. Cf. In pursuit of the forgers, in Eng CRC no 238, p. 1-11.  –  (3) SS II, p. 138; cf. Eng CRC no 238, p. 1-2.

Page 34
(1) Eng CRC no 238, p. 16.  –  (2) Ibid., p. 1-2.  –  (3) Ibid., p. 2-3.  –  (4) Ibid., p. 3-4, 38-39.


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